Iqbal Poetry On Quaid E Azam Essay

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What Allama Dr. Mohammad Iqbal was for Quaid-e-Azam Mohammad Ali Jinnah?

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Statements of Quaid-e-Azam about Allama Iqbal


Message of condolence on the death of Sir Muhammad Iqbal, Calcutta, April 21, 1938
The Star of India, April 22, 1938

Mr. M. A. Jinnah issued the following condolence message on the death of Allama Iqbal:

I am extremely sorry to hear the sad news of the death of Sir Muhammad Iqbal. He was a remarkable poet of world wide fame and his work will live for ever. His services to his country and the Muslims are so numerous that his record can be compared with that of the greatest Indian that ever lived. He was an ex-President of the All-India Muslim League and a President of the Provincial Muslim League of the Punjab till the very recent time when his unforeseen illness compelled him to resign. But he was the staunchest and the most loyal champion of the policy and programme of the All-India Muslim League.

To me he was a friend, guide and philosopher and during the darkest moments through which the Muslim League had to go, he stood like a rock and never flinched one single moment and as a result just only three days ago he must have read of been informed of the complete unity that was achieved in Calcutta of the Muslim leaders of the Punjab and today I can say with pride that the Muslims of Punjab are wholeheartedly with the League and have come under the flag of the All-India Muslim League, which must have been a matter of greatest satisfaction to him. In the achievement of this unity Sir Muhammad Iqbal played a most signal part. My sincerest and deepest sympathy go out to his family at this moment in their bereavement in losing him, and it is a terrible loss to India and the Muslims particularly at this juncture.


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Reported Speech at a public meeting to mourn the death of Allama Iqbal, Calcutta, April 21, 1938
The Star of India, April 22, 1938

Mr. M. A. Jinnah said that the sorrowful news of the death of Dr. Sir Muhammad Iqbal had plunged the world of Islam in gloom mourning. Sir Iqbal was undoubtedly one of the greatest poets, philosophers and seers of humanity of all times. He took a prominent part in the politics of the country and in the intellectual and cultural reconstruction of the Islamic world. His contribution to the literature and thought of the world will live for ever.

“To me he was a personal friend, philosopher and guide and as such the main source of my inspiration and spiritual support. While he was ailing in his bed it was he who as the President of the Punjab Provincial Muslim League, stood single-handed as a rock in the darkest days in the Punjab by the side of the League banner, undaunted by the opposition of the whole world. When on account of his serious illness he was confined to bed, he resigned the post of the Presidentship of the Punjab League but was instead elected its Patron. He still continued to guide the work of the Punjab League from his bed and had somebody to reply to all letters concerning the League. It would have been a matter of great satisfaction for him to hear the news with great delight that the Bengal and Punjab Muslims were absolutely united on the sommon platform of the All-India Muslim League. In that achievement the unseen contribution of Dr. Sir Muhammad Iqbal was the greatest. No greater blow has struck the Muslims at this juncture.”

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Presidential Address, 26th Annual Session of the All-India Muslim League, Patna, December 26, 1938. Speeches, Statements and Messages of the Quaid-e-Azam, Vol.II, p.906

Quaid-i-Azam made the following comments extempore during his presidential address:

Dr. Sir Muhammad Iqbal’s death is an irrepairable loss to Muslim India. He was a personal friend of mine and composer of the finest poetry in the world. He will live as long as Islam will live. His noble poetry interprets the true aspirations of the Muslims of India. It will remain an inspiration for us and for generations after us.”

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Comment made after the passage of Lahore Resolution, March 23, 1940
Jinnah, Creator of Pakistan by Hector Bolitho (London, 1954), p.129

Sometime after this meeting, Jinnah turned to Matlub Saiyid, who had been present at the Lahore session, and said:

Iqbal is no more amongst us, but had he been alive he would have been happy to know that we did exactly what he wanted us to do.

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Reported presidential speech in Iqbal Day meeting, Lahore, March 25, 1940
The Civil & Military Gazette, March 26, 1940

If I live to see ideal of a Muslim State being achieved in India and I were then offered to make a choice between the works of Iqbal and the rulership of the Muslim state, I would prefer the former.

This view was expressed by Mr. M. A. Jinnah presiding over the second session of the “Iqbal Day” held in the University Hall, Lahore.

Continuing, Mr. Jinnah said that in April 1936, he thought of transforming the Muslim League, which was then only an academical institution, into a parliament of the Muslims of India. From that time to the end of his life, he continued, Iqbal stood like a rock by him.

Iqbal, Mr. Jinnah said, was not only a great poet who had a permanent place in the history of the world’s best literature, he was a dynamic personality who, during his life time, made the greatest contribution towards rousing and developing of Muslim national consciousness. He compared Iqbal with great literary figures of England like Milton and Shelley.

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Reported speech in Iqbal Day meeting, Lahore, March 3, 1941
The Civil & Military Gazette, March 4, 1941

Iqbal was described by various speakers not only as one of the greatest poets of the world, but also a political prophet who first visualised the ideal of a separate Muslim State in India, at the celebrations in connection with the Iqbal Day held in the University Hall, Lahore, under the auspices of the University Union.

Paying his tribute to the memory of the poet, Mr. M. A. Jinnah said:

The message of Iqbal has reached the farthest corners of the world. He was the greatest interpreter of Islam in modern times.

“I have had the privelege and opportunity,” he added, “of being associated with him. I have never found a more true and more loyal colleague than him.”

Mr. Jinnah exhorted Muslim youth to understand the spirit of Iqbal’s message. This, he said, would show them their goal. “Iqbal is goig to live for ever. The coming generations will look upon him as the greatest benefactors of Muslims.”

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Letter sent on Iqbal Day, Hyderabad (Deccan), August 9, 1941
Facsimile included in Discourses of Iqbal by Shahid Hussain Razzaqi (1979/2003), Iqbal Academy Pakistan, Lahore

State Guest House
Hyderabad Dn
9th August 1941

Every great movement has a philosopher and Iqbal was the philosopher of the National Renaissance of Muslim India. He in his works has left an exhaustive and most valuable legacy behind him and a message not only for the Musalmans but for all other nations of the world.

Iqbal was a poet who inspired Muslims with the spirit and determination to restore to Islam its former glory and although he is no more with us, his memory will grow younger and younger with the progress and development of Muslim India.

His works should therefore, be read and digested by every Musalman to create solidarity, and we should all try to organise the Muslims throughout India economically, educationall, socially and politically.

M. A. Jinnah

Shahid Hussain Razzaqi, Esq,
Ghazipura,
Gulberga – Deccan

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Message on Iqbal Day, Lahore, March 20, 1943
The Dawn, March 21, 1943

The following message has been issued by Mr. M. A. Jinnah on the occasion of celebration of Iqbal Day:

“Dare and Live” is Iqbal’s message. Optimism, industry, faith, self-confidence and courage are the principles on which Iqbal bases his philosophy and which he believes are the essential factors for the purification of human soul and for the elevation of human character. The obstacles and setbacks in life, according to him, make the life worth living. The sacrifices and losses, made and incurred in the service of a right cause nd for noble principles elevates a nation and makes life more glorious and worth living.

Iqbal never believed in failure. he believed in the superiority of mankind over all the rest that God created. In fact he was convinced that man is a collection of all that is best in God’s universe. Only man does not know himself. Man has but to utilize his great potentialities and to use them in the right direction for the realization of that “self” which finds itself so near to God; and Islam is the code which has prescribed easy ways and means for that realization.

Iqbal was not only a philosopher but also a practical politician. He was one of the first to conceive of the feasibility of the division of India on national lines as the only solution of India’s political problem. He was one of the most powerful though tacit precursors and heralds of the modern political evolution of Muslim India.

Iqbal, therefore, rises above the average philosopher, as the essence of his teachings is a beautiful blend of thought and action. He combines in himself the idealism of a poet and the realism of a man who took practical view of things. In Iqbal this compromise is essentially Islamic. In fact it is nothing but Islam. His ideal therefore is life according to the teachings of Islam with a motto “Dare and Live.”

I wholeheartedly associate myself with the efforts of the Iqbal Day Committee in celebrating the Poet’s Day on his birthday and I hope and pray that every one of us may be able to live up to the ideals Iqbal preached by his beautiful national poems and which have now embedded the doctrine of Pakistan into the heart and soul of Muslim India which is now burning very brightly, never to be extinguished.

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Reported message to the Frontier Muslim Students Federation on Iqbal Day, Karachi, June 20, 1943. 
The Morning News, June 24, 1943

“It is a source of great encouragement to me that our people in your province have started to organize themselves. Strengthening yourself, really speaking, means strengthening borders of Pakistan, a thing which will enable us to achieve our goal and thus maintain our freedom, honor, prestige and glory of Islam for which we are now fighting,” says Mr. M. A. Jinnah in the course of a message to the Frontier Muslim Students’ Federation under whose auspices the Iqbal Day was celebrated.

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Message on Iqbal Day being celebrated at Lahore, New Delhi, December 8, 1944
The Dawn, December 11, 1944

To the cherished memory of our National Poet Iqbal, I pay my homage on this day, which is being celebrated in commemoration of that great poet, sage, philosopher and thinker, and I pray to God Almighty that his soul may rest in eternal peace. Amen!

Though he is not amongst us, his verse, immortal as it is, is always there to guide us and to inspire us. His poetry, besides being beautiful in form and sweet in language, presents to us a picture of the mind and heart of this great poet, and we find how deeply he was devoted to the teachings of Islam. He was a true and faithful follower of the Holy Prophet (peace be upon him), a Muslim first and a Muslim last. He was the interpreter and voice of Islam.

Iqbal was not merely a preacher and philosopher. He stood for courage and action, perseverance and self-reliance, and above all faith in God and devotion to Islam. In his person were combined the idealism of the poet and the realism of the man who takes a practical view of things. Faith in God and unceasing and untiring action is the essence of his message. And in this he emerges truly Islam. He had an unflinching faith in Islamic principles, and success in life meant to him the realization of one’s “self”, and to achieve this end the only means was to follow the teachings of Islam. His message to himanity is action and realization of one’s self.

Although a great poet and philosopher he was no less a practical politician. With his firm conviction and faith in the ideals of Islam, he was one of the few who originally thought over the feasibility of carving out of India such an Islamic state in the North-West and North-East Zones which are historical homelands of Muslims.

I wholeheartedly associate myself with the celebrations of this “Iqbal Day”, and pray that we may live up to the ideals preached by our National Poet so that we may be able to achieve and give a practical shape to these ideals in our sovereign state of Pakistan when established.

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Message on Iqbal Day, New Delhi, March 30, 1946
The Dawn, March 31, 1946

Iqbal voiced the ideals and aspirations of Muslim India. He made great contribution by his poems and prose to the political awakening and stirring up of the soul of Muslims of India. I wish the Iqbal Day every success.
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In subsequent years, however, he felt dismayed at the injection of violence into politics. Since Jinnah- stood for “ordered progress”, moderation, gradualism and constitutionalism,he felt that political terrorism was not the pathway to national liberation but, the dark alley to disaster and destruction. Hence, the constitutionalist Jinnah could not possibly, countenance Mohandas Karamchand, Gandhi’s novel methods of Satyagrah (civil disobedience) and the triple boycott of government-aided schools and colleges, courts and councils and British textiles. Earlier, in October 1920, when Gandhi having been elected President of the Home Rule League, sought to Change its constitution as well as its nomenclature, Jinnah had resigned from the Home Rule League. saying? "Your extreme programme has for the moment struck the imagination mostly of the inexperienced youth and the ignorant and the illiterate. All this means disorganisation and chaos”. Jinnah did not believe that ends justified the means.

In the ever-growing frustration among the masses caused by colonial rule, there was ample cause for extremism. But, Gandhi’s doctrine of non—cooperation, Jinnah felt, even as Rabindrana’th Tagore(1861-1941) did also feel, was at best one of negation and despair: it might lead to the building up of resentment, but nothing constructive. Hence, he opposed tooth and nail the tactics adopted by Gandhi to exploit the Khilafat and wrongful tactics in the Punjab in the early twenties. On the eve of its adoption of the Gandhian programme, Jinnah warned the Nagpur Congress Session (1920); “you are making a declaration (of Swaraj within a year) and committing the Indian National Congress to a programme, which you Will not be able to carry out”. He felt that there was no short-cut to independence and that Gandhi’s extra-constitutional methods could only lead to political terrorism, lawlessness and chaos, without bringing lndia nearer to the threshold of freedom.

The future course of events was not only to confirm Jinnah’s worst fears, but also to prove him right. Although Jinnah left the Congress soon thereafter, he continued his efforts towards bringing about a Hindu—Muslim entente, which he rightly considered .“the most vital condition of Swaraj”. However, because of the deep distrust between the two communities as evidenced by the country-wide communal riots, and because the Hindus failed to meet the genuine demands of the Muslims, his efforts came to naught. One sUch effort was the formulation of the Delhi Muslim Proposals in March, 1927. in order to bridge Hindu-Muslim differences on the constitutional plan, these proposals even waived the Muslim right to separate electorate, the most basic Muslim demand since 1906, which though recognised bythe congress in the Lucknow Pact, had again become a source of friction between the two communities. surprisingly though, the Nehru Report (1928), which represented the Congress-sponsored proposals for the future constitution of India, negated the minimum Muslim demands embodied in the Delhi Muslim Proposals.
in vain did Jinnah argue at the National convention (1928);

"What we want is that Hindus and Muslims should march together until our object is achieved...These two communities have got to be reconciled and united and made to feel that their interests are common". The Convention's blank refusal to accept Muslim demands represented the most devastating setback to Jinnah’s life-long efforts to bring about Hindu-Muslim unity. it meant “the last straw” for the Muslims. and “the parting of the ways" for him, as he confessed to a Parsee friend at that time. Jinnah‘s disillusionment at the course of politics in the subcontinent prompted him to migrate and settle down in London in the early thirties. He was. however, to return to India in 1934, at the pleadings of his co—religlonists. and assume their leadership. But. the Muslims presented a sad spectacle at that time. They were a mass of disgruntled and demoralised men and women. politically disorganised and destitute of a clear-cut political programme.

Thus, the task that awaited Jinnah was anything but easy. The Muslim League was dormant: primary branches it had none: even its provincial organisations were. for the most part, ineffective and only nominally under the control of the central organisation. Nor did the central body have any coherent policy at its own till the Bombay session (1936), which Jinnah organised. To make matters worse, the provincial scene presented a sort of a jigsaw puzzle: in the Punjab, Bengal, Sindh, the North West Frontier. Assam, Bihar and the United Provinces, various Muslim leaders had set up their own provincial parties to serve their personal ends. Extremely frustrating as the situation was, the only consultation Jinnah had at this juncture was in Allama lqbal(1877-1938). the poet-philosopher, who stood steadfast by him and helped to charter the course of Indian politics from behind the scene.

Undismayed by this bleak situation. Jinnah devoted himself with singleness of purpose to organising the Muslims on one platform. He embarked upon country-wide tours. He pleaded with provincial Muslim leaders to sink their differences and make common cause with the League. He exhorted the Muslim masses to organise themselves and join the League. He gave coherence and direction to Muslim sentiments on the Government of india Act, 1935. He advocated that the Federal Scheme should be scrapped as if was subversive of lndia’s cherished goal of complete responsible Government, while the provincial scheme, which conceded provincial autonomy for the first time, should be worked for what it was worth, despite its certain objectionable features. He also formulated a viable league manifesto for the election scheduled for early 1937. He was, it seemed, struggling against time to make Muslim india a power to be reckoned with.

Despite all the manifold odds stacked against it, the Muslim Leauge won some 108 (about 23 per cent) seats out of a total of 485 Muslim seats In the various legislature. Though not very impressive in itself, the League's partial success assumed added significance in view of the fact that the league won the largest number of Muslim seats and that It was the only all-india party of the Muslims in the country. Thus, the elections represented the first milestone on the  long road to putting Muslim India on the map of the subcontinent. Congress in Power With the year 1937 opened the most momentous decade in modern Indian history. In that year came into force the Provincial part of the Government at India Act, 1935, granting autonomy to Indians for the first time, in the provinces.

The Congress, having become the dominant party in Indian politics, came to power in seven provinces exclusively, spurning League’s offer of cooperation, turning its back finally on the coalition idea and excluding Muslims as a political entity from the portals of power. In that year, also, the Muslim League, under Jinnah's dynamic leadership, was reorganised de novo, transformed into a mass organisation, and made the spokesman of lndian Muslims as never before. Above all, in that momentous year were initiated certain trends in Indian politics, the crystallisation of which in subsequent years made the partition of the subcontinent inevitable. The practical manifestation of the policy at the Congress which took : office in July, 1937, in seven out of eleven provinces, convinced Muslims that, in the Congress scheme of things, they could live only on sufferance of Hindus and as “second class” citizens. The Congress provincial governments, it may be remembered, had embarked upon a policy and launched a programme in which Muslims felt that their religion, language and culture were not safe. This blatantly aggressive Congress policy was seized upon by Jinnah to awaken the Muslims to a new consciousness, organize  them on all-India platform, and make them a power to be reckoned with. He also gave coherence, direction and articulation to their innermost, yet vague, urges and aSpirations. Above all, the tilted them with his Indomitable will, his own unflinching taith in their

destiny.

As a result of Jinnah‘s ceaseless ettorts, the Muslims awakened from what Professor Baker calls(their) “unreflective silence” (in which they had so complacently basked tor Iong decades), and to “the spiritual essence of nationality’ that had existed among them for a pretty long time. Roused by the impact of successive Congress hammerings, the Muslims, as Ambedkar (principal author of independent lndia’s Constitution) says, “searched their social consciousness in a desperate attempt to find coherent and meaningful articulation to their cherished yearnings. To their great relief, they discovered that their sentiments of nationality had flamed into nationalism”. in addition, not only had they developed” ‘ the will to live as a “nation”, had also endowed them with a territory Which they could occupy and make a State as well as a cultural home for the newly discovered nation. These two pre-requisites, as laid down by Renan, provided the Muslims with the intellectual justification for claiming a distinct nationalism (apart from Indian or Hindu nationalism) for themselves. So that when, after their long pause, the Muslims gave expression to their innermost yearnings, these turned out to be in favour of a separate Muslim nationhood and of a separate Muslim state.

We are a nation”, they claimed in the ever eloquent words of the Quaid-i-Azam- “We are a nation with our own distinctive culture and civilization, language and literature, art and architecture, , names and nomenclature, sense of values and proportion, legal laws and moral code, customs and calendar, history and tradition, aptitudes and ambitions; in short, we have our own distinctive outlook on life and of life. By all canons of international law, we are a nation”. The formulation of the Muslim demand for Pakistan in 1940 had a tremendous impact on the nature and course of lndian politics. On the one hand, it shattered for ever the Hindu dreams of a pseudo-lndian, in fact, Hindu empire on British exit from India: on the other, it heralded an era of Islamic renaissance and creativity. in . Which the lndian Muslims were to be active participants, The Hindu reaction was quick, bitter, and malicious.

Equally hostile were the British to the Muslim demand,
their hostility having stemmed from their belief that the unity of lndia was their main achievement and their foremost contribution. The irony Was that both the Hindus and the British had not anticipated the astonishingly tremendous response that the Pakistan demand had elicited from the Muslim masses. Above all, they failed to realize how a hundred million people had suddenly become supremely conscious of their distinct nationhood and their high destiny. In channeling the course of Muslim politics towards Pakistan, no less than in directing it towards its consummation in the establishment of Pakistan in 1947, none played a more decisive role than did Quaid-i-Azam Muhammad Ali Jinnah.

 lt was his powerful advocacy of the case of Pakistan and his remarkable strategy in the delicate negotiations that followed the formulation of the Pakistan demand, particularly in the post-war period, that made Pakistan inevitable.

While the British reaction to the Pakistan demand came in , the form of the Cripps offer of April, 1942, which conceded the  principle of self-determination to provinces on a territorial basis, the Rajaji Formula (called after the eminent Congress leader C.Rajagopa|acharia, which became the basis of prolonged Jinnah Gandhi talks in September1944). represented the Congress alternative to Pakistan. The Cripps offer was rejected because it did  not concede the Muslim demand the whole way, while the Rajaji' Formula was found unacceptable since it offered a “moth-eaten, mutilated” Pakistan and the too appended with a plethora of pre-conditions which made its emergence in any shape remote, if not altogether impossible.

The most delicate as well as the most tortuous negotiations, however, took place during 1946-47, after the elections which showed that the country was sharply and somewhat evenly divided between two parties- the Congress and the League- and that the  central issue in Indian politics was Pakistan.

These negotiations began with the arrival in March 1946, of a three-member British cabinet Mission. The crucial task with which  the Cabinet Mission was entrusted was that of devising in consultation with the various political parties, a constitution-making machinery, and of setting up a popular interim government. But, because the Congress league gulf could not be bridged, despite the Mission’s (and the Viceroy’s) prolonged efforts, the vision had to make its own proposals in May, 1946. Known as the Cabinet Mission Plan, these proposals stipulated a limited centre, supreme only in foreign affairs, defence and communications and three autonomous  groups of provinces. Two of these groups were to have Muslim  majorities in the now-west and the north-east of the subcontinent,  while the third one, comprising the Indian minland Was to have a Hindu majority. A consummate  statesman  that he was Jinnah saw his chance, He interpreted the clauses relating to a limited centre and the grouping as "the foundation of Pakistan”, and induced the  Muslim League Council to accept the Plan in June 1946; and this he  did much against the calculations of the Congress to its utter dismay.

Tragically though, the League’s acceptance was put down to its supposed weakness and the Congress put up a posture of defiance. designed to swamp the Leauge into submitting to its dictates and its interpretations of the plan. Faced thus, what alternative had Jinnah and the League but to rescind their earlier acceptance, reiterate and reaffirm their original stance, and decide to launchdirect action (if need be) to wrest Pakistan. The Way Jinnah manoeuvred to turn the tide of events at a time when all seemed lost indicated, above all, his masterly grasp of the, situation and his adeptness at making strategic and tactical moves. Partition Plan By the close of 1946, the communal riots had flared up to murderous heights, engulfing almost the entire subcontinent. The two peoples, it seemed, were engaged in a fight to the finish. The time for a peaceful transfer of power was fast, running out. Realising the gravity of the situation His Majesty’s Government sent down to India a new Viceroy- Lord Mountbatten. His protracted negotiations with the various political leaders resulted in 3 June.(1947) Plan by which the British decided to partition the subcontinent, and hand over power to two successor States on 15 August, 1947. The plan was duly accepted by the three Indian parties to the dispute— the Congress the League and the Akali Dal (representing the Sikhs).

ln recognition of his singular contribution, Quaid—i—Azam Muhammad Ali Jinnah was nominated by the Muslim League as the Governor-General of - Pakistan, while the Congress appointed Mountbatten as India’s first Governor-General. Pakistan, it has been truly said, was born in virtual chaos. lndeed, few nations in the world have started on their career with less resources and in more treacherous circumstances. The new nation did not inherit a central government, , a capital, an administrative core, or an organized defence force. lts social and administrative resources were poor, there was little equipment and still less statistics. The Punjab holocaust had left vast areas in a shambles with commUnications disrupted. This, along with the en masse migration of the Hindu and  Sikh business and managerial classes, left the economy almost shattered.

The treasury was empty,  India having denied. Pakistan the major share of its cash balances. On top of all this, the still unorganized nation was called upon to feed some eight million refugees who had fled the  insecurities and barbarities of the north Indian plains that long, hot summer. If all this was symptomatic of Pakistan’s administrative and economic weakness, the Indian annexation, through military action in November 1947, of Junagadh (which had originally acceded to Pakistan) and the Kashmir war over the State’s accession (October 1947-December 1948) exposed her mihtary weakness. In the circumstances, therefore, it was nothing short of a miracle that Pakistan survived at all. That it survived and forged ahead was mainly due to one man-Muhammad Ali Jinnah, The nation desperately needed in the person of a charismatic leader at that critical juncture in the nation’s history, and he fulfilled that need profoundly. After all, he was more than a mere Governor General: he was the Quaid-i-Azam who had brought the State into being.

In the ultimate analysis, his very presence at the helm affairs was responsible for enabling the newly born nation to overcome the terrible crisis on the morrow of its cataclysmic birth. He mustered up the immense prestige and the unquestioning loyalty he commanded among the people to energize them, to raise their morale, land directed the profound feelings of patriotism that the freedom had generated, along constructive channels. Though tired - and in poor health, Jinnah yet carried the heaviest part of the burden in that first crucial year. He laid down the policies of the new state, called attention to the immediate problems confronting the nation and told the members of the Constituent Assembly, the civil servants and the Armed Forces what to do and what the nation expected of   them.he saw to it that law and order was maintained at all costs, despite the provocation that the large scale riots in north India had provided.

He moved from Karachi to Lahore for a while and supervised the immediate refugee problem in the Punjab. In a time of fierce excitement, he remained sober, cool and steady. He advised his excited audience in Lahore to concentrate on helping the refugees, to avoid retaliation, exercise restraint and protect the minorities. he assured the minorities of a fair deal, assuaged their - inured sentiments, and gave them hope and comfort. He toured the various provinces, attended to their particular problems and instilled in the people a sense of belonging. He reversed the British policy in the north—West Frontier and ordered the withdrawal of the troops from the tribal territory of Waziristan, thereby making the Pathans feel themselves an integral part of Pakistan’s body-politics. He created a new Ministry of States and Frontier Regions, and assumed responsbility for ushering in a new era in Balochistan. He settled the controversial of the  states of Karachi, secured the accession of States, especially of Kalat which seemed problematical and carried on negotiations with Lord Mountbatten tor the settlement at the Kashmir Issue.

lt was, therefore, 'with'a sense of supreme satisfaction at the fulfilment of his mission that Jinnah told the nation in his last message On 14 August, 1948: “The foundations of your: State have been laid and it is now for you to build and build as quickly-and as, well as you can”. in accompliShing the task he had taken-upon himself on the morr0w of Pakistan’s birth-Jinnah had worked himself to death, ‘but he had, to quote Richard Symons, “contributed more than any other man to Pakistan’s survival”. He died on 11 September, 1948. How true was Lord Patrick Lawrence, the former .Secretary of State for‘lndia, ,when he said, “Gandhi died by the hands of anassassin'; Jinnah died' by his devotion to Pakistan”. '

.a man 'such as Jinnah, who had fought for the‘inherent rights of his people all through his life and who had taken up the somewhat unconventional and the largely misinterpreted cause of Pakistan, . was bound to generate violent opposition and excite implacable hostilityand was likely to be largely misunderstood. But what is most remarkabie about Jinnah is that he was the, recipient of some of the greatest tributes paid to any One in modern times, Some Of them even from those who held a diametrically opposed viewpoint.

 Aga khan considered him “the, finest man he ever - met”, Beverley Nichols, the author_of ‘verdict on lndia’, known as him “the most important man in asia”,-and dr.  kailashnath katju, the west bengal governor-in 1948, concept of him as-“an fantastic determine of this century no longer best in india, however within the whole world”. At the same time as Abdul. RahmanAzzam. Pasha, secretary. Wellknown of the arab, league, called him “one of the best leaders in the muslim world’?, . The grand mufti. Of Palestine considered his loss of life as a ,“first rate loss”to the whole world of lslam. Lt was, however, given to Surat Chandra bose, leader of the ahead bloc wing of the indian‘ countrywide congress, to sum up succinctly his non-public and political: achievements. “mr jinnah”, he stated on his death in 1948, "was exceptional as a attorney, as soon as splendid as, a congressman, extremely good as a front-runner of ‘ Muslims, notable as a international flesh presser and diplomat, and finest of all as a man of movement, with the aid of Mr. 'Jinnah's passing away, the world has misplaced one of the best statesmen-and Pakistan its life-giver, philosopher: and guide”. Such turned into quaid-i-azam Muhammad Ali Jinnah, the man and his undertaking, such the range of his accomplishments and ‘ achievements.

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